“Habemus ReSum,” declared Andrea Ballarati from the stage of the Teatro Condominio di Gallarate, inspired by the recent selection of a new pope. The young Lombard was not alone in comparing the 2025 Remigration Summit (occasionally referred to as ReSum, for short) to the papal conclave. Italian media had labelled the gathering a “conclave of extreme right-wingers” who had made a “pilgrimage” to the Teatro. Ballarati, one of the event’s chief organisers and its Master of Ceremonies, was described by Huffpost Italy as a “prophet” of remigration. The Remigration Summit and the papal conclave even shared in common a significant security presence and media frenzy.
So what was all the fuss about? The Summit, held this past Saturday, May 17, in a town near Milan, was the brainchild of identitarian and nationalist activists from all over Europe, including but certainly not limited to Martin Sellner from Austria, Afonso Gonçalves of Portugal, and the aforementioned Andrea Ballarati. ReSum was intended to be an event in which the titular idea would be explained to a broader audience, defended from naysayers, and celebrated by all as the solution to nearly every single one of Europe’s major problems. That is no exaggeration.
A few months ago, when the announcement was made that the summit would take place in Milan, my initial and immediate reaction was, Well, these guys are brave. There are three main reasons why Milan struck me as a courageous, if not insane, choice. First of all, the mayor of Milan, Giuseppe Sala, is a malevolent leftist who has overseen the transformation of Milan into one of Italy’s most decrepit and crime-ridden cities, replete with the the anarcho-tyranny that ensues. That connects directly to the second and third reasons.
Milan is profoundly affected by the spread of the maranza, a name given to describe migrant crime gangs comprised mostly of Maghrebi youths. So bad are these gangs – who engage in everything from petty street muggings, to drug dealing, to violent turf wars – and so maliciously negligent is Sala’s mayorship, that a vigilante justice patrol calling itself Articolo 52 has formed to protect Milan’s neighbourhoods. The name Articolo 52 hearkens to the 52nd article of Italy’s constitution which compels all Italians to fulfil their sacred duty and defend their homeland in times of need.
Finally, Italy in general and Milan in particular are not without a significant presence of antifa miscreants who are willing to use violence. It is true that Italy is currently under the auspices of a supposedly “rightist” and “nationalist” government, but Premier Giorgia Meloni is not the one who makes decisions on local matters such as permitting a conference to take place, and no national government anywhere in Europe, either on the left or what passes for the right, seems very interested in crushing the militant antifascist clubs and clearing away the gangs of delinquent foreigners. So while Italy is perhaps friendly territory for run-of-the-mill conservatives, when it comes to more radical ideas and those who seek to promote them, one has to choose wisely which part of Italy to set foot in, and in any case, antifa groups can attack any place, at any time.
So, this was the lay of the battlefield as the date of ReSum 2025 approached. As the days passed by, the denouncements of the conference and threats towards its organizers increased. The mayor of Milan himself said that he intended to secure the means to block it. Without knowing anything about the Summit, who the speakers would be, nor even what would be said, Giuseppe Sala’s fulminations and the liberal media’s hysterical description of the event ignited a fire whose glow attracted the real extremists: violent leftist anarchists and various antifascist brigands, not only in Italy but from elsewhere in Europe.
Things began to get very intense.
Buckling under the pressure and intimidation, the owners of the original venue for the conference cancelled the arrangement.
The Summit organisers’ email account was leaked to saboteurs, and as a consequence, misinformation was deliberately spread to the guest list in an attempt to foment chaos, confusion, and ultimately a failed conference.
The day before the Summit, six German activists were detained in Germany and prevented from leaving the country and attending the event.
Through it all, the organisers remained steadfast and resolute: the Remigration Summit would not be stopped. To their enormous credit, they kept their word and pulled it off.
The Day of Reckoning
And so, on May 17, a few hundred attendees, including me, arrived in Gallarate. From my seat inside a taxi as the driver approached the venue, I did not yet have a full sense of what was going on. Only when I stepped out of the car and was met with the dour faces of a dozen carabinieri did I begin to appreciate the situation. There were police vans blocking off all the other main routes to the Teatro, and standing alongside them were squads of officers wearing anti-riot breastplates and shinguards. On foot, I made the rest of the way to the venue, surrounded on either side by ranks of police and carabinieri. Alongside me walked Pedro Faria, a member of the Portuguese nationalist party Chega and a speaker at ReSum. We turned onto the avenue leading to the Teatro and here is where the media battalions were lying in wait. A gaggle of microphone-wielding reporters and their cameramen-at-arms sprung in front of us, sticking their cameras much too close to our faces for my liking, provoking a disgust which I made no attempt to hide.
It was like we were notorious criminals and the media was trying to get our pictures as we walked to the courthouse. In reality, we were utterly normal, sensible people who simply wanted to attend a political meeting. The immigration extremists are so fragile, they cannot tolerate even the slightest dissent.
Although I myself neither saw nor heard them, later I would learn that there was a sizeable gathering of protesters festering some distance away from us, waving the banners of the Partito Democratico and the official standard of the liberal regime, the rainbow flag, but as for the area around the Teatro, all was calm apart from the reporters swooping around like vultures.
The vultures came between young Faria and me and we soon found ourselves giving interviews to the media. For Faria, it was surely an appreciated opportunity to represent his party. For me, the whole thing was ridiculous. That reporters would be so desperate to catch attendees of a conference and grill them with questions made them fall even lower in my estimation.
“Why are you here?” Asked the reporter after I told him I wasn’t in the mood to answer any personal questions, only questions related to the Summit.
“To be part of a conversation about an issue that we are so often prevented from speaking openly about,” I answered.
“What issue is that?”
“The issue is mass immigration, an economically and ideologically motived experiment that no one ever consented to; in fact many people have frequently opposed.”
I was very measured with the reporter. I told him that like everything in life, immigration comes with pros and cons. We’ve all been told the pros: “diversity is our strength”, migrants “enrich” us. But this is a fantasy, and there are many cons when it comes to immigration, and they are gravely serious.
“But why can’t we have an open society and people just living together?” The reporter asked.
“What do you mean?” I pressed back.
“You know, people living together. Integrating.”
“What does ‘integrating’ mean?” I would not let up.
“People living together, you know.”
This is the level, readers.
The reporter and I continued to chat about integration. I asked if he expected migrants to give up their customs, their language, their religion, and adopt ours, if that was his sense of ‘integration.’ He really didn’t have much of an answer, because he understood the point behind my question: if you appeal to integration as a way to justify an immigrant society, then you can no longer also appeal to diversity as a societal good. Integration and diversity are incompatible, which is why integration is largely impossible, especially in societies that have more to them than just flag-waving and drinking Coca-Cola.
The reporter then turned the line of questioning to the supposed economic benefits of immigration.
“But we are here in Italy,” I said, “a country with one of the highest rates of youth unemployment and one of the lowest average salaries in Europe. How can you say that the best thing for a country like Italy is to import massive amounts of workers from the third world when loads of Italians can’t find work and when they do, their wages are suppressed by influxes of foreign workers who can be hired for cheap?”
Again, he did not have much to say in response. Indeed, he even began to look rather deflated, as if he wanted to agree with me but couldn’t bring himself to do it.
“Furthermore,” I continued, “if these migrants from Africa, Pakistan, Afghanistan, are here to do ‘the bad jobs we don’t want to do ourselves’ like sweeping streets or cleaning toilets, is this not a form of slave labour? The idea is basically, let’s get a bunch of brown people to pick up our rubbish and toil in our fields. And we’re supposed to believe the immigration zealots have the moral high ground? What are doing here?”
“OK, thanks for the comments,” was all I got in response and then we parted ways.
I share this anecdote in order to give an example and some encouragement to readers who might someday find themselves in a similar situation. It was the first time someone had ever solicited an interview with me, on the spot. It can be nerve-wracking, I’m sure, especially if you know that your interviewer is unsympathetic towards your beliefs. That is why I always recommend taking control of the questions, putting the interrogator on the back foot, attacking rather than defending. You will feel much more confident, and your hostile questioner will feel much less so, when suddenly you are the one asking the questions. We don’t have to explain ourselves or justify ourselves to people with no moral legitimacy. They should be made to answer to us, to explain and justify themselves to us.
The Speeches
Several of the ReSum speakers brought this point home, too, which was both a satisfaction and a relief. A satisfaction because I enjoyed hearing the speakers’ passionately stake our claim on the moral high ground, and a relief because I know we are making progress. People are stepping over tepid civic nationalism and conservatism, they are breaking free of the fear that shackled them to the wall of silence and trepidation.
We are not the extremists. Remigration is not extremism. Extremism is flooding our homelands, our towns, our cities, our countrysides, with millions of foreign peoples from totally different cultures. Extremism is lying to us and telling us it isn’t happening. Extremism is backtracking and telling us it is happening, but it’s a good thing, even as we can hear the cries of our daughters being raped and our grandmothers being assaulted in the streets. The leader of the Homeland Party, Scotsman Kenny Smith made this the theme of his speech.
He spoke about Britain’s infamous so-called grooming gang scandal. Mr. Smith detailed a few of the horrific stories, and judging by the reactions of some of the people seated near me in the auditorium, there are still those who are not fully aware of just how brutal and wicked the Pakistani rape gangs marauding around Britain are, and what they have been doing to British girls.
Indeed, one of the great services that the Remigration Summit accomplished was to give a chance for continental Europeans to hear how immigration has affected the Anglosphere, and for the Anglosphere to become more familiar with what is going on in non-English speaking countries that too often get ignored.
One such country is Portugal. The aforementioned Pedro Faria gave a speech about how his homeland has been hit with mass immigration only in the last few years and it has already caused the usual problems. The Portuguese government is one of the most extreme when it comes to immigration, having granted free entry to any and everyone, even if they aren’t looking for work or have a student visa. This Portuguese policy, known as “manifest of interest”, was considered too liberal even by the bigwigs in Brussels, who have since pressured Portugal to tighten its immigration laws. What’s the Portuguese equivalent of the expression, “let that sink in”?
One speaker who arguably best embodies breaking the shackles of bog standard, civic nationalist conservatism is Eva Vlaardingerbroek, who was also arguably one of the Summit’s highest profile figures, having shared stages with heads of state like Viktor Orban. At one point in her speech, she bluntly and firmly stated: “Civic nationalism does not work.” This is nothing short of astonishing when one considers that Vlaardingerbroek used to be a part of Prager U, a civic nationalist organization if ever there was one. Other statements she made without equivocation: “The Great Replacement is real.” “Closing the border is not enough.” “Europe was always an entirely white continent. It is not unethical to want that Europe stays European.” Ms. Vlaardingerbroek, now Mrs. Gallardo di Castel Lentini, could have stayed on the Prager U plantation and made easy money doing the conservative media grift. That she has come so far and that she is willing to speak the truth, as uncomfortable and unrewarding as it might be at times, deserves praise, which I am happy to honour her with, even if she does have me blocked on X.
All of the speakers gave speeches full of eloquence and vigour, and I was surprised that there were so many. I will only focus on the speakers that left the greatest impression on me, but I do want to make mention of the three video messages recorded by members of Italy’s Lega party. The first of which, sent by former military general and now Member of the European Parliament, Roberto Vannacci, was rather good. He pulled no punches in stating that he supported the Remigration Summit, not only on the principle of freedom of expression, but also because he agrees with the concept. The Italian people, the people of Europe, deserve to live in safe towns and cities, something they had but which has been deprived of them as a consequence of open borders and the mass importing of third world riffraff. However, there were two other messages from Isabella Tovaglieri and Silvia Sardone that dampened the radical spirit of the event and even conflicted with the over all message. Tovaglieri, who does deserve credit for being amongst the first to use the term remigrazione in Italy, spoke a bit too much about “legal immigration” and that other term, “integration”. We don’t want integration. We want remigration! As for Sardone, she dedicated much of her discourse to combatting the Islamification of Italy, lamenting that Muslim women living in Italy are prohibited from learning to read by their husbands, and, alas, appealing to Europe’s “Judeo-Christian values”. I had to roll my eyes.
But back to the good stuff. Member of AfD, Lena Kotré, encouraged the audience to make remigration more and more popular. “We must make it that people talk amongst their friends about remigration as often as they talk about their favourite music.” This is already happening. The word was one of the most-searched for on Google during the days leading up to and then during the Summit. There are already countless memes and videos promoting remigration on Tik Tok, X, Instagram and more.
Dries Van Langenhove, the Lion of Flanders, gave a rousing speech in which he asserted that the legal and logistical framework to initiate remigration already exists, it is really a matter of applying the already existing immigration, deportation, and asylum rules, something that Western governments have not done and which immigration NGOs have been skirting. He also explained the concept of remigration, getting down to the nuts and bolts of it.
Remigration has three stages. In the first stage, European governments must secure the borders of their countries and stop illegal migrants from coming in. At the same time, those who have entered Europe illegally, who have no right to live in our lands, who lied about being refugees or simply and literally broke into our countries, must be deported. This is not a difficult nor extreme policy. In the second phase, governments must evaluate the economic and cultural burden of those who are living in Europe “legally” but contribute nothing, and in fact take so much. People who have come to Europe to leech off of Europeans’ labor must go back. Foreigners who commit crimes in Europe must also be deported, regardless of the legal status of their residency. No more detaining criminals, letting them back on the streets, detaining them again, and then dealing with a coterie of NGOs crying about their “human rights” when finally some judge has the spine to deport them.
The third phase involves repatriating those non-Europeans who have settled in Europe but have created parallel societies, no-go zones, ghettos, etc, and who are involved in political activism against the interests of the native European peoples. Think of the rising number of Pakistani mayors or members of the British Parliament who constantly agitate for Pakistani interests. If Pakistan is so important to them, they can go live there. A government that has already embraced and implemented remigration will not hesitate to arrive at this stage. These subversive foreigners should know: by the time we get to this point, your passport will not avail you.
Another stand-out speaker was Irishman John McLoughlin of the National Party. He told us about the rapid and recent transformation, disfigurement more like, of Ireland. The Irish, he stated, are set to be a minority in the land they’ve lived on for thousands of years, by 2060 if immigration remains as is. Dublin used to be one of Europe’s safest cities. Now it is one of the most dangerous. What changed?
But, McLoughlin proudly proclaimed, the fighting spirit that made the Gael so renowned and feared has not died yet. After centuries of fighting for a nation-state to call their own, the Irish are not going to let what their ancestors built be taken from them so easily. Young McLoughlin’s fervor was contagious and his speech was met with a standing ovation, one of several that occurred throughout the day.
It’s always great when the Irish are around, and not just for the craic. Shortly after McLoughlin spoke, the conference paused for intermission. Four Italians were chatting near my seat when I returned to the auditorium. I listened to a bit of what they were saying until one of them said, “It’s all well and good to talk about remigration but coming from countries that had empires and colonies, it’s a bit rich to say ‘you can’t come to where we live.'”
“Excuse me,” I said, “but we just listened to an Irishman explain how the Irish are being demographically replaced, their cities are becoming increasingly dangerous, and they will be a minority within a generation. What colonies did Ireland have?”
There were nods and that typical Italian shrug of agreement tinged with nonchalance. “Also,” I added, “are you suggesting that immigration is some sort of vengeance for whatever misdeeds the colonialists might have committed?”
Interactions like this proved that ReSum was not just a few hours of preaching to the choir. There were people in the audience who were, in a word, normies. As the five of us continued talking, again the topic of integration arose and again, as I did to the reporter earlier, I posited that integration is really a myth, and even if it were possible, no one really wants it. With these Italians I also added this question: What are we Europeans asking migrants to assimilate into? We have allowed our cultures to be hollowed out by American pop culture and shallow consumerism, we’ve forsaken our forebears’ traditions out of laziness and apathy. The question of integration is as much for us as it is for them.
After the intermission, one of the highlights was Jean Yves Le Gallou. The founder of Institut Iliade, he was the only presenter who spoke in a language besides English, preferring to speak his native French. While it is nice to be united by a common tongue, I found something admirable in Mr. Le Gallou’s address in French. Perhaps he simply doesn’t speak English, in which case it was necessity, not a choice, to speak French, but either way I still enjoyed the change of language.
Le Gallou spoke about the 40,000 year history of Europeans as a genetically traceable and defined race, and our 5,000-year-old cultural core, but he didn’t linger only on deep intellectual themes. He also talked of cold political facts. Europeans have, must have, the same “indigenous peoples'” rights that are enshrined in so many human rights treaties and liberal dogmas, and pointed out that Europeans are the only people who see their own rights supplanted by immigrant rights. Lastly, he lamented the ideological capture of judges who are supposed to apply the law fairly, and of an institution like Frontex that was supposed to protect our borders but now protects migrant boats on their voyage to our ports.
The final speaker was Afonso Gonçalves. I had spoken with Afonso just a few days before the conference. He is blessed with the energy and idealism of youth, but displays the knowledge and wisdom of an old veteran who has been doing this for years and years. As the founder of the Portuguese identitarian group Reconquista, it was only fitting that Afonso’s speech hearkened to that centuries-long quest when the people of Iberia took back their homeland from invaders. He left us with a rallying cry to follow in his ancestors’ footsteps and embark on a new reconquista that will span all of Europe.
The Kids Are All Right
ReSum 2025 was a true underdog story. I cannot imagine the pressures and stress that the organizers of the event had to contend with. During his opening remarks, Andrea Ballarati, at first composed and practical, was overcome with the thrill and relief of a long-fought for victory. Their success is even more admirable considering how young they are. Not only were the speakers mostly young men and women, surely not one of them beyond their early thirties, but the team off-stage, behind the scenes, that put the plan in place and carried it out despite the numerous obstacles, was comprised of young Europeans in their twenties. They all deserve so much credit.
The indomitable European spirit was a real theme of the whole event. A genuinely euphoric moment came when the six Germans who were detained by the German state took to the stage in a surprise act of defiance. “You can keep trying to repress us,” one of them said to the German authorities. “We don’t care. Remigration will win!” Perhaps these young Germans’ escapade will finally make the Bundestag and the Brussels bureaucrats rethink open borders.
The attendees, too, were mostly young people. Most of the audience members came well-dressed, and possessed a normal human body mass. La bella figura is still alive in Italy. These were no slouches, slobs, or dysgenic freaks. It was a gathering of around 300 fashionable and fit young people who want a change for the better, for once.
I have spoken before about Europe’s immune system, with special attention given to Ireland and Italy in particular. The nations of Europe have only recently been subjected to mass immigration. The situation is dire, yes, but in many European countries the percentage of the foreign population is not yet at double digits. And yet, only this slight exposure to the viruses of open borders and multiculti-multiracial societies has been enough to spark a European immune response. We might lose, but we will not lose without a fight. The immigration extremists’ plan to subject us to ethnic substitution, to genocide, will not go smoothly. Europeans are not embracing civic nationalism, the open society, and multiculturalism. Not all of us, at least. Not a significant and animated portion of us, and really, it doesn’t matter how many of us oppose the immigrationists’ plot and demand remigration. History has shown time and again that a significant, animated, and organised minority wins more often than not.
Remigration has already been called for on the floor of the Italian senate. Tony Blair’s acolyte and the current prime minister of the United Kingdom is outflanking the right on immigration, calling for closed borders and deportations more fervently than even Nigel Farage has ever done. We are pulling the centre rightwards after years and years of allowing it to drift so far to the left that the “centrist” position was to sheepishly ask that immigration simply slow down a bit. No. That’s not good enough for this new generation of Europeans. They want a total reversal of what has been done to their towns, cities, countries, and futures. Soon the centrists will be arguing over how many net remigrations is the appropriate annual objective. Two hundred thousand a year? What are you, a far-leftist? Five hundred thousand a year!
I’m the last person you’d call an optimist, but I think that European civilisation and European people are not entirely lost if they are in the hands of the quality of people I saw at this year’s Remigration Summit. I wouldn’t be surprised if ReSum 2025 lives long in the memory, if it marks a turning point in the fight against globalism and the Great Replacement. As someone of Italian heritage, I can’t help but feel a bit proud that Italy was the site where such a momentous event took place. Apropos of this pride, and of the triumph that the successful Remigration Summit represented, I should also add that while we were gathered in the Teatro Condominio, in the city of La Spezia, members of CasaPound were holding a march for remigration in which over 1,000 Italian patriots took part. They too had faced frothing opposition from the local government, media, and far-left factions, but just like ReSum, the march went ahead. Two victories, both symbolic and in a very real sense, on the same day in Italy.
As the conference was ending, Martin Sellner took to the stage wished to see us again for ReSum 2026. I share his wish and hope that there will be another Summit, but more than that, I wish for the day when there are no more Remigration Summits at all, because remigration has become reality.